Looking Back

Because of rights reasons, the music originally used in this story has been replaced.

>> Mr Cracknell, I've been to a lot of political meetings during this campaign and I think that, as you predicted, there's been intense interest in Social Credit. But I'd like to question you on how this has affected you throughout the country, and what sort of response you've had?

>> Well, Mr Smith, it's been a great thrill for me because I've been received with warmth and enthusiasm right throughout the length and breadth of this country. People have just come, and they've come to listen and to learn, and very few interjections, very little heckling, except perhaps in one incidental case, but, generally speaking, they have come to listen and to learn. And there's a great interest in Social Credit in New Zealand.

>> Is this true of the situation of Social Credit or policy? Say, question time at meetings, how has that gone?

>> It's gone very well. Extremely well. The questions that I've been asked have been very searching questions, very intelligent questions, and it has sort of developed the story, as it were, along all sorts of avenues, as it were, of human endeavour and of life.

>> Is this outside, say, of Hobson, which, of course, has particular interest?

>> Ah, well, yes, the warmth in Hobson is quite something, really. But, still, that warmth is spreading. As I've said before, I'm getting that same reception right throughout the country.

>> There is one question that I've found people ask: they wonder what the strength of the league itself as an organisation is.

>> Ah, well, the league is growing in strength and size all the time. It's far stronger today, far bigger than ever it was at any time during its inception.

>> Is this in terms of public interest or actual working members and so on?

>> People working within the movement, yes.

>> And outside of, say—I notice you've quoted sort of key electorates and so on. Is this true on a national basis as far as membership is concerned?

>> It's true right throughout the country, where the movement is growing and is becoming stronger all the time. And electorates where there was very little organisation and very small memberships have now, as it were, built up their strength and their organisation. And there it's all going to be reflected in increased votes on the 26th.

>> Would you think that, apart from policy, there has been a mood develop in this election?

>> Oh, yes, indeed there has, because people are beginning to realise that something's got to be done about the present state of our economy.

>> How do you think that reacts as far as the other two parties are concerned?

>> Well, of course, the other two parties, there's not much difference between them—if any at all. And, in Hobson, for example, there we are not fighting the National Party as the National Party or the Labour Party as the Labour Party; we are fighting a combination of the National and Labour parties.

>> There's been another comment, Mr Cracknell, that Social Credit, in its campaign, hasn't, say, done any "mud-slinging", which is a common expression in politics.

>> No. Well, we've got a story to tell, Mr smith, and we believe it's a very important message that we have for the people. And we really haven't got time for political mud-slinging.

>> Now, one other question, going back to candidates—

>> Not that we would in any case, even if we did have time, We would use it much more profitably than in the process of political mud-slinging.

>> Going back to candidates, there's a fair range that I see—I went through your list recently— of interests, of backgrounds and so on in candidates.

>> Yes, yes.

>> Do you think this is greater this time than in previous elections?

>> Yes, yes. We draw our people from all walks of life, from the professions, from the people, the workers, from farmers, and so on. The professions, of course—we have doctors and lawyers, and accountants, like myself, and they're all in this not because of their calling but because they believe in Social Credit and they know that Social Credit has got to come.

>> Could I go back to this question of mood and whether or not this is likely to bring some change. Have you got some comment on this question of change?

>> Yes. Yes. I'm quite sure that people are coming to realise that there's got to be a change. Yes. I'd like to read you a quote on this. It's an old quote, but it's a quote by a person very well known, by Benjamin Disraeli. He said, in 1867, that change is inevitable. "In a progressive country, change is constant." And that saying is as true today as it was when Benjamin Disraeli said it.

>> And you think that that change will come about this time, Mr Cracknell? Well, yes, there's going to be a great change as far as people are concerned. I think the people are going to change their, as it were, voting— the motive, as it were, that influences people in voting. And I think that people, instead of voting traditionally or on party political lines or by habit, they're going to vote more, more on conviction and on principle.

>> Thank you, Mr Cracknell.

>> Countdown for the 1966 elections has begun. Within a few hours, you will have the opportunity of deciding which political party shall govern New Zealand for the next three years. It is a responsibility I know you will exercise with care and deliberation. Though you have had the opportunity to weigh the election programmes of the two main political parties, there may be a few lingering doubts in your mind either way. I know this because, in meeting people in large and small groups throughout New Zealand, certain questions keep recurring. I want to make sure there is no doubt in your mind about Labour's attitude to some of these important problems. There are, in particular, five questions which seem to be uppermost in the minds of those going to the polls tomorrow, and they seem to be present in the thoughts of supporters of both parties. The first one, then: what can be done about the balance of payments crisis? You may have judged from the actions of the present Government that nothing can be done except to drift from one unnecessary crisis to another. Our overseas reserves position is perilous despite all time record earnings, despite massive overseas borrowing. Labour will tackle this balance of payments problem not with drastic surgery, not at the expense of New Zealand industry, but through the common-sense means of better coordinated economic planning. No nation can run its affairs on a day-to-day basis any more than a farmer or a businessman. Our rapidly expanding population imposes great demands on our resources; so we must plan for years ahead. Labour will bring together the best minds in the country, the best expert and technical advice representative of all sections concerned with economic development, in order to plan our development long term. And I say "plan" not "control"—"guide" not "impose". One of its main functions will be to advise Government on the desirable credit level and how it can best be used. In nominating development priorities and recommending incentives necessary to achieve them, the Development Planning Authority will improve our productive performance as a nation. We can no longer afford the luxury of erratic and unplanned growth. Make no mistake: I do not promise that I or a Labour Government can remove our financial difficulties by a wave of the wand. It will take time. It will be difficult, but it will be done. This is our pledge to you. All right, let's get on to the second question—a question which the leader of Government has stated is an issue in this campaign. I think it is a vital issue, but not for the reasons he has given. The question: what is Labour's attitude to supporting South Vietnam? Our attitude on this thorny problem is firm and unshakable, and our reasons for it crystal clear. We will increase aid to South Vietnam, not reduce it. New Zealand's involvement, New Zealand's contribution will be even greater than it is today. Our military role will be superseded by a more effective and constructive contribution. There is need in Vietnam today for assistance to maimed and orphaned children, and there are 500 more of them every week. We need to help stricken people sorely in need of the things that New Zealand is best equipped to supply: food, clothing, medical care, agricultural assistance. Remember that New Zealand is not in a state of war. Remember that no treaty obligation has been invoked which commits us to military intervention. Remember that the addition of a force of 150 artillerymen, willing and proficient though they are, to the million troops already there cannot affect the course of the war by a hair's breadth. But personal and constructive aid can. Communism can be contained in Asia only when the people who live there want it contained, when they see demonstrated the concrete results of a new and better way of life. Question number three: how can we ease the plight of pensioners? You could almost believe, you know, in the last few years, that our senior citizens— those in receipt of fixed pensions—have become the faceless and forgotten people. Well, Labour has a very definite and well laid plan to ensure that this situation will be rectified, and rectified promptly. We will remove pension benefits from the political auction block. We propose to set up a special cost-of-living index, and every six months all benefits subject to means test will be adjusted to keep in step with the cost of living. It will be automatic. It will ensure reasonable standards of comfort year after year. And let me remind you briefly of other important Labour programmes for pensioners. Allowable incomes will be increased. We will accelerate pensioner housing. We will give considerable relief to ratepayers on low incomes by a system of rebates. We will reduce the cost of medical and specialist services. For Government superannuitants, we will provide a 2 percent per annum increase in their superannuation, up to a maximum of 24 percent, and, for the benefit of all, we will take action to arrest soaring increases in prices. The fourth major question: what are our plans for the farming industry? We believe the farmers of New Zealand have done an amazingly efficient job. Their work is not easy. They need considerable assistance in two main directions: finance and labour. Our policy provides for more, but less costly, finance for development purposes; taxation incentives of a similar kind to that offered to other sections of the people; farm training schemes for farm workers; plus incentives that help farm workers acquire their own farms. We must ensure the means of processing our products in a modern and saleable form. We must ensure that adequate transport to markets which are otherwise difficult or inaccessible is available. Moreover, we have to display a kind of energy and zeal in developing existing markets, opening new markets, and expanding trade generally, which has so far been sadly lacking. Now we come to the last question, but not the least important by a long way: where is the money coming from? I sometimes wonder if the person who asks that question believes he is living in a static or stagnant economy. Well, perhaps recently, we have been, but properly directed—and, again, I don't mean "controlled"—properly directed, this country can unleash a force of growth which will bring continuing and growing prosperity to all of us. We have the potential, we have the ability, we have the brains, we have the workforce; with the right Government, solidly backed by the people, we will go from strength to strength. This means economic strength. It means growing well, a greater national product in an expanding economy. It will be more than adequate to finance the sound plans which Labour will drive ahead, yet still provide for the tax concessions contained in our policy. If we falter, if we procrastinate, then we will stand still or fall back. We will suffocate in our own complacency. But this is not the New Zealand I know. The New Zealanders that I've worked with, associated with, are hard working, enterprising people, ambitious, keen to succeed and to see their country succeed. The money will come from the growing revenue that results from increasing productivity. So there will be ample reward, ample opportunity, and a degree of welfare which I believe will be unequalled in the world. I am promising no more and no less than anyone has the right to expect: a good and welcome reward for a job well done. Tomorrow, when you go to vote, think of these things that I have discussed with you tonight. Is this the way you want these important questions answered, or do you want the nationalist prescription as before: planless, foolish, worthless assurances while we hover on the brink of economic disaster? If you want this country to drive ahead again so that you, your family, and every section of the community will benefit, then vote for your Labour candidate tomorrow.

>> Good evening. It's a privilege to be able to talk with you again in your home. I hope that every one of you will exercise your right to vote tomorrow. You know, our forefathers gave their lives to win that right for them and for us. And today, hundreds of millions of people live under communist dictatorship and don't have the right of free elections. Wars are being fought and thousands of men are giving their lives to win that right against brutal communist aggression in Malaya and in Vietnam. I hope you'll bear these facts in mind when you go to the polls tomorrow. You know, in the last six years, the National Government has given you honest, progressive, and, I believe, a fair administration. We've given considerable tax reductions. We've given incentives and encouragement and help to our people. The partnership between the people and the National Government has achieved the greatest development and expansion our country has ever seen. There's greater progress than ever before. There's greater prosperity for all our people. This partnership has laid the foundations for greater progress and greater prosperity next year and in all the years ahead. The National Party is contesting this campaign in a spirit of confidence and determination— confidence in the future of New Zealand and determination to play our full part in making it a still better country and a still greater country. We have a splendid team of candidates. I wish you could meet them all. But, of course, you will have met our candidate in your own electorate. We are confident that our people don't want to go back down the socialist Labour road, with its regulations, restrictions, and Government control. We are confident you do not want to return to Labour's high taxation. We are confident that you will want to go forward in greater freedom and lower taxes with a National Government. We refuse to join in any auction for your votes, and we've made no reckless election promises which would result in heavily increased rates of taxation, such as we had under the last Labour Government. We are not dominated or dictated to from outside, as the Labour Party is, by the Federation of Labour. We've placed before you a carefully planned policy for the continued development of our country, a policy of incentives and encouragement. We accept full responsibility for caring for the sick, the aged, the needy, and the unfortunate, not only with humanity but with generosity. This National Government has given the highest increases in social security benefits in all the history of New Zealand. We gave a nine shilling a week increase this year. We accept full responsibility for educating our young people. We've doubled expenditure on education. We're determined that hard work, and thrift, and enterprise, and initiative will be properly rewarded. And, to this end, we've reduced some rates of taxes in every year. No, the National Government has never increased any rates of any tax. We're determined to do everything in our power to increase the productivity of our country and to sell our exports in the best markets in the world, and to protect New Zealand in the European Common Market. I know I have John Marshall in the studio with me, and you will know, of course, of the great success and the great reputation that he's built up in this respect. The production on our farms has increased phenomenally in the last six years under this National Government. We believe that it's as a result of the tax incentives and other incentives that we've given to farmers. You know, our opponents, both Labour and Social Credit, I've noticed recently, have said that farm production has increased because we've had good seasons. Well, I've looked back over the figures. You know, under the first Labour Government, farming didn't do too well. So, obviously, they had a long string of bad seasons. Then came the National Government. Farming did much better under us. So, obviously, we had good seasons under National. Then we had the second Labour Government and this was a disaster for farming, particularly in the dairy industry. Production fell—obviously, bad seasons again! And, now, in this last six years, tremendous development and increased production. And they say, "Well, it's good seasons." So I suggest to you that, if you have no other reason for voting for National, if you want good seasons, vote National tomorrow. We believe in fair shares for everybody. We're determined that those who produce our national wealth shall be entitled to a fair share in that wealth. We believe that employers and employees, wherever they work, all play a vital part in maintaining and increasing our standard of living. They are all entitled to be rewarded adequately and fairly, and we are determined that everyone shall be assured of that. We're determined to maintain the rights and the freedoms of the citizens and to reduce State dictation and State interference and State control. We've already taken considerable steps in this direction, and we will continue with this policy. We're determined to play our full part in world affairs—in the United Nations, in the Commonwealth, and in our collective defence arrangements. We will continue to expand our aid to underdeveloped countries. You know, we've nearly doubled our annual aid in the last six years. We're determined to honour our treaty obligations. You know, when they were the Government, Labour pledged again and again that, under them, New Zealand would honour our obligations to our allies. Now they have pledged to welsh on them, and we're entitled to ask: what sinster power and influence has changed Labour's minds and demanded that they dishonour their own pledges and to dishonour New Zealand in the eyes of the world? You and I and all New Zealanders have it in our power to build a greater and a stronger nation— another British nation down here in the South Pacific; a nation in which democracy will flourish in a climate of progress and prosperity and greater individual freedom. And that's the kind of country that a National Government is determined to build, not only for this generation but for the generations to come. If you give us your mandate tomorrow, I give you my pledge that we will serve you with the benefit of our experience and to the very best of our ability in the interests of all the people of New Zealand, not any one section. We will govern without favour or without fear of any section or of outside domination. We are determined to continue to build a nation which we and our children and our children's children can justly call God's own country. So I invite you to continue your partnership with the National Government. And, in the word of the greatest Englishman of this century, Sir Winston Churchill, I say to you, "Come, then, let us go forward together."

>> Because of rights reasons, the music originally used in this story has been replaced.

>> This is just really the tip of the iceberg as to what, you know, could happen if we're not careful about the matter.

>> There's another matter too. Apparently there's some rumour within the National Party that Mr Gustafson may have resigned, either from the party or from his position, as...

>> Rotorua, Day 10 of the election campaign. Journalists tagging the Leader of the Opposition are ruffled. They're saying that it's difficult to file new daily news stories from the Rowling camp. They've heard it all before on the previous nine days.

>> As I said, I haven't had the chance to see the advertisement myself. You could probably understand that. I'm on the road all the time. And so our people at the head office level are having a look at it.

>> Would you agree the ad depicts a man walking on water and then falling flat on his face, I understand.Would you agree that that is, in fact, blasphemous?

>> Well, since I haven't seen it, I can't make a fair comment.

>> Could we possibly do this now, because we've got to try and get the film on the 10 o'clock flight.

>> Sometimes Spencer Jolly of TV One News just has to be impatient. The subject for the interview is Labour's pledge to provide some form of unemployment benefit for housewives. It's not really hard news, but today's news prospects from the Rowling camp are as light as several before it. There's pressure on many journalists in the Rowling camp to file anything to maintain balance with National's campaign coverage.

>> We're still doing the walk-around, are we? Plus the lunch meeting? You're having lunch, aren't you? In Taupō, isn't it?

>> (Rowling) There's a meeting in Taupō—the outside meeting in Taupō on the steps. Actually, the walk-arounds are surprisingly good when they get going.

>> Bill Rowling is doing a lot of street walking this campaign. He has more time, of course, than in '75, when he also had to tend to the daily duties of a Prime Minister.

(Rowling) We're not passing Taupō by.

>> Rowling's schedule is hectic, but as the reporters have fast come to realise, there's nothing new in these daytime meetings, only a re-reading of the Labour Gospel.

>> [...welcome to Taupō, Mr Bill Rowling. Mr Bill Rowling!]

>> In just a week or two's time, 60,000 more young people are going to flow on to the labour market. There must be parents from one end of this country to the other at the moment that are worried sick, worried sick about what their children are going to do.

>> Bill Rowling says he enjoys a good interjector, but the journalists say his performance has not much improved. He's certainly not able to wring as much audience entertainment from hecklers as Prime Minister Muldoon.

>> Do you think it's because we've got too many schoolmasters and trade unionists in the Socialist Party that they don't give a balanced Government, because you lost five million sheep under a Labour Government and it's taken this last three years to breed them up?

>> (Rowling) You get your figures right, and you get your stock numbers right, because you used figures which are patently false with regard to stock numbers.

>> (Interjector) No, that's wrong!

>> (Rowling) They are patently false with regard to stock numbers. And stock numbers have got to be considered in terms of total stock numbers.

>> Bill Rowling tends to take interjectors too seriously, to chop them off, not to coax them back for a final grand slam.

>> (Rowling) I'm interested to know what—

>> (Interjector) Did you call me a liar? Hey!

(Interjector) What about your sheep scheme that'd give us a dollar a sheep to have their throats cut? They'd all die.

>> (Rowling) I'm interested to know what the National Party Government, which contains so many farmers, has done to...

>> Especially outside the main cities, Rowling's meetings tend to be a family affair. His staff speak of warmth and feeling. Rowling himself says he's heartened by the response.

>> I suppose there's a certain amount of elation about it, that, you know, people can respond in this way. You must temper that with the knowledge of what the circumstances are and also relate it to the particular audience that you're going to speak with. For example, if you're in a major metropolitan area, you get a tremendous turbulence, a verve, about a meeting. You go into one of the provincial areas and the meeting is just as warm, just as sympathetic, but very much less demonstrative, and I think, you know, we're all human beings and we react to warmth, just as we bridle a bit at what is overt hostility.

>> Desperate for a new news angle, one journalist has suggested, in a note to Rowling, that he accuse the Government of industrial anarchy at tonight's meeting. The charge, suggested the journalist, could relate to the Government's handling of the Clerical Workers Union. Rowling obviously has nothing more newsworthy to fire at the audience and the media. He takes up the cue and fires the suggested salvo. The reporters happily take up their self-laid bait. Rowling's opinions of the Government's industrial record are headlined in the next morning's papers.

>> The worst industrial relations in a three-year period that New Zealand has ever seen. That was his fourth. The biggest Budget deficit after three years as the Minister of Finance, the self-styled great financier. That was the fifth point that he chalked up. The worst record of attacks on personal freedoms that has ever been contemplated in this country. In fact, in the past, we've never had to concern ourselves too much with that, because we believed that we were a democratic country where people had the right to stand up and speak out on those things in which they believed. But that's not the case today. And so strong is this leader inside the National Party that here, as we come into the 1978 election, after he has led this country for three years as the leader also of the National Party, we find in 17 electorates there are Independent National Party candidates— the fifth-largest party already in New Zealand politics!

>> Bill Rowling moves slowly out of the hall after every night's meeting. Unlike the Prime Minister, Rowling is happy to dawdle and shake proffered hands. The Prime Minister says that's pretty much a waste of time.

>> This is 1ZO Tokoroa. The time is seven minutes past nine. and now here's Warwick Wiles talking with Bill Rowling, leader of the Labour Party.

>> Good morning, Mr Rowling. One of the issues you mentioned at your meeting in Tokoroa last night, which I think is of interest to people here, is industrial relations. You talked about the need for a strong, progressive, and disciplined trade union movement. I wonder if you could explain what you meant by that definition.

>> Well, I think everyone agrees that the workers need a collective strength from time to time, and that's represented, of course, by the trade union movement. The employers also need to know exactly who they're dealing with when there are negotiations—

>> Tokoroa, the morning of Day 11. Last night's charges on industrial relations are followed up by the Radio New Zealand man travelling with the Opposition leader. Party leaders are sweetly accessible to the press this campaign. Talkback radio has become a popular tool for candidates on both sides.

>> Come and hear Bill Rowling in Victoria Square, 12 till 1 today. Hear what he has to offer New Zealand. Your questions will be well received and well answered too.

>> The Labour Party campaign machine is working unusually well this election, even if Rufus Rogers has to broadcast his own advertising. There was nearly a slip-up in Cambridge. Party officials realised they were short of an elevated podium that would enable Bill Rowling to be seen by most of the crowd. They borrowed a trailer used by Dorothy Jelicich in the nearby Hamilton West electorate. Her slogans, though, were hidden behind a sheet.

>> ...speaking in Cambridge, in Victoria Square 12 till 1 today. Mr Rowling will be visiting Cambridge any moment now, and will be speaking in Victoria Square, 12 till 1 today. All are welcome. Questions will be welcome too.

>> How are you? You're looking very fit.

>> Thank you.

>> Wonderful to see you looking so well, Bill, too.

>> Consoling words for that lady. Candidate Rufus Rogers is a doctor. Bill Rowling suffers a constant barrage of small talk during his fleeting stopovers. Rob Muldoon, though, is like the kiwi; he prefers to be seen only at night. He sees little advantage in one-to-one heart-winning, especially among the party faithful. Bill Rowling says, party faithful or not, it's important.

>> I've found that many of the things that I want to put across to people do not get the exposure that I think they deserve. And, while it's true a good deal of that time is talking to people who are associated with the party —as you say, the party faithful— a lot of it is directed to people who probably have no party affiliation or maybe even are tending towards one of the other political parties. And I think there's value in that. There is also some value in spending time with your own people, and I like to feel that my people inside the Labour Party can see that I am leading from the front, not from the back.

[Chanting "We want Bill!"]

>> [Three cheers for Bill Rowling! Hip, hip, hooray! Hip, hip, hooray!]

>> Labour followers acclaim the improvement in their leader's performance— the subject of much criticism three years ago. Glen Rowling was among her husband's sternest critics, but now acknowledges Bill's more relaxed delivery.

>> Let's be prepared to concede that we've made mistakes in the past —and we have here— that we've made mistakes in the past when we insisted that young people who came along for Housing Corporation finance went into a new home or otherwise it wasn't available to them. And so, in the big areas, we drove them into housing estates...

>> I'm certainly more relaxed. That's simply a matter of practice. I haven't, contrary to rumours abroad, been trained in speech or anything of that kind. I've been moving around the country very freely. That's given me many more opportunities to talk with people and to talk with people in very large groups. I also have had more opportunity to put my own thoughts into the speeches that I've made during the campaign and leading up to the campaign, whereas, in the 1975 election, I was the Prime Minister; I was worried about the affairs of State, naturally enough. I really hadn't recovered from the considerable trauma of actually taking over the job, I suppose. I wasn't able to relax into what, I believe, was the real Bill Rowling

>> We have seen vicious personal abuse. We have seen people threatened with the full weight of the law of this land just because they have dared to disagree with small-minded men at the top. That's the truth.

>> Day 15, Christchurch. A visit to this garment factory has become a ritual for Bill Rowling. Last campaign, he was accompanied by his wife. This year, it's a lonely campaign. For family reasons, it's been decided that Mrs Rowling will stay home for most of the campaign. Bill says he's missing her support and criticism.

>> This is a quality check, is it?

>> Yes, the final check for quality and also for trimming—

>> I must say, there's not that much to check, really, is there?

>> There's not. You get less and less every year!

>> The Muldoon machine moves into Blenheim. It's well ordered, well oiled, and well protected. Bill Rowling takes questions from the floor at his meetings. Rob Muldoon says that's messy. The only contribution he'll entertain from the floor is an interjector who might offer some good mileage.

>> Any questions?

>> So questions at a Muldoon meeting are written and collected before the speech. The collection is taken up by a local National Party official and handed to the Prime Minister's press secretary, Peter Acland. Acland sorts out the questions. The Prime Minister tackles them with rapid fire. Mr Muldoon's entourage is figure conscious. After reporters wrote of a lower than expected attendance at a meeting in Masterton, the numbers game has been played out nightly between the media and Mr Muldoon's party.

>> Before I start, I should say to the people outside who are directing the latecomers that there are about 20 seats over here on the left. And there'll be some latecomers. And I don't mind you coming right across the front here and taking those seats, because, if you don't take them, some of my friends down here in the press will say he didn't fill the hall.

>> Reporters are taking the contest seriously. Nightly, a delegate is sent to check on the number of seats available in the hall. Any seats vacant during Mr Muldoon's speech are carefully counted to measure an accurate attendance. Tonight in Blenheim, there's a dispute between reporters and the PM's press secretary over the number of extra seats that have had to be laid out. Mr Muldoon wastes no time leaving his meetings to relax in his hotel room. Tonight, a hasty exit is impeded by our film crew. But he and his party are not too pushy.

>> Watch it, you're going to go right off that step!

>> Mr Muldoon, another question: Mr Rowling, in Christchurch last night, said that a vote for the National Party was a vote against the progress of the South Island.

>> He's campaigning to be Prime Minister of the South Island. I think it's much better if we keep it as New Zealand.

>> Is the National Party concerned about the situation in the South, in terms of the electorates' attitude to the party?

>> Oh, I'll tell you that after I've been there. The two places I've been to in the South Island so far...

>> Day 16 of the campaign, still in Blenheim. The media have been ushered in for their daily chat show with Mr Muldoon. The mood is more relaxed, the Prime Minister less testy than at Cabinet press conferences in Parliament.

From Blenheim to Palmerston North, a rare daytime public appearance by Mr Muldoon. He's pulling the string to open a new insurance company building.

>> Almost invariably I pull the wrong cord. Let me see—yes, I did! Ha, ha! Look at that. There we are.

>> National Mutual own the building. The National Party leader left without having time to see its exterior.

>> Would you like me to hold your hand? Oh, you're OK. OK. Cheerio. Right, all the best, and thank you.

>> The visit took an hour and a half. It cost the taxpayer a Wellington to Palmerston North return flight on a VIP aircraft from the Ministry of Transport. It's, apparently, the privilege of a Prime Minister to use Government aircraft during election campaigns. And Mr Muldoon needs time to plan for Wellington.

>> I wonder what they'll grow up into. You know, when they get older, I wonder what they'll be. University dropouts, huh? University dropouts, I guess, most of them.

>> Boo!

>> Hecklers don't stand a chance against Rob Muldoon and his powerful public address system. He's in full flight against the performance of Labour leader Bill Rowling.

>> But what is he going to do with the unemployed? Does he tell you that? No, he doesn't tell you that, because he cannot do it. He says there are 50,000 or some such number and he says we'll get them off the dole. But does he tell you what he's going to do with them? No, he doesn't. Because he doesn't know. He's got no policy any more than he had a policy to knock inflation for six, back in those days when he was about to be Minister of Finance, when it went from 5.4 percent to 15.7 percent. He's got no more policy today than he had there back in 1972. Surely such people with such energy must be employed?.Huh? Lay it on. I'm glad you're not mine!

[We're glad we're not yours!]

I saw that someone up in Palmerston North yesterday was saying that he was going to do all kinds of good things to increase employment in the clothing trade—in the clothing trade. Well, obviously, he didn't know what he was talking about. Some of you read The Listener. Some of you read The Listener. A week or two ago, there was an article on the clothing trade in The Listener. And dear old Frank Thorn— Frank Thorn is the secretary of the Clothing Workers' Union. Used to be in the freezing works but he went up in the world and got into the Clothing Workers' Union. He's no supporter of the National Party. He'd support that lot up the back there. Frank Thorn said to The Listener that the clothing trade is now experiencing a boom. And if some of you lot up at the back haven't got a job and you can sew, get someone to shout you a trip to Auckland and you'll get a job. But my guess is that you'll be scared sick at the sight of it. From the look of them, they'd run a mile from a job. You'd run two miles? You're all listening to each other and enjoying themselves. And that little chorus up the back—they're not ordinary. They're not extraordinary. They're sub-ordinary, that lot. There they go! Losing their voices in a bad cause. Thank you very much. I should've run a quiet campaign with no issues!

>> Diverted by the interjectors, Mr Muldoon delivered only half his prepared speech, but he adheres strictly to a maximum of one hour on stage and he brought forward the delivery of his section on law and order.

>> (Muldoon) Party faithful love it. And, besides, they know policy. You use sufficient material for the meeting depending on the style of meeting. That's really what it's all about. You've got to be flexible. Naturally, one prefers intelligent interjectors, but I think, over the period of years that I've been involved in politics, which is now some 30 years, the level of interjection has declined very, very considerably. One aspect of the campaign that's disturbed me, as it has in previous elections, is the extent to which the news media permit the day-to-day trivialities to obscure the basic and frequently important material that's contained in the addresses themselves.

>> Day 17, Wellington. A few hours after his rowdy Town Hall meeting, Mr Muldoon tells the media he doesn't like the coverage by highly paid journalists of the campaign so far.

>> (Muldoon) It is this style of reporting events which are of interest to the public, which determines the reputation of the news media themselves in the eyes of the public. And, in this country, my guess is that they run just about neck and neck with politicians. Potentially, in fact, of course, they're much better than that.

>> Attention, please. Attention, please. I cannot have a single gap in the front of the hall.

>> (Narrator) Mindful of the turmoil in Wellington the previous evening, the National Party is taking no chances in Auckland. The party is in good heart. They have prior knowledge of the next morning's New Zealand Herald poll, which shows a shift towards National at the start of the election campaign. Even the mayor, Sir Dove-Myer Robinson, is mindful of the occasion. He was also chairman for Mr Muldoon's Auckland meeting in 1975. Then he fell asleep. The hall has been checked for bombs and the party faithful strategically positioned.

>> Please do not allow anybody to shift you from those seats unless he is a policeman. It's vital that the seats you're now sitting in all through this aisle, all through the entrance where Mr Muldoon will come, be held by our people. Under no circumstances leave them. Now, are there any gaps in any of the seats we should be holding? If so, please sing out if you can see a hole. Right, if there's any holes, fill 'em up, please, from now on.

>> There were few enough hecklers but the Prime Minister's eye caught an imaginary Bill Andersen, leader of the Socialist Unity Party.

>> (Muldoon) Little mouse in the house. Afterwards, they said he was there. Oh, he's there tonight. There he is. I can see him.

[Kick him out! Kick him out!]

No, we'll leave him in. Don't throw him out. Don't throw him out. Leave him in. This is a democracy. This is not like the Soviet Union. No Opposition over there, is there, Bill? They take it for granted over there, Bill, don't they, that everything's bugged. Oh, they take it for granted over there that everything's bugged, and no Opposition. Look, you raise your voice and Siberia is very, very cold.

(Muldoon) He was very, very much like Bill Andersen and responded when I talked to him as Andersen. I was convinced that that's who it was. I think it's one of the funniest things that's happened to me since I've been in politics.

>> On election night, after all the votes have been counted, a successful candidate doesn't just automatically become an MP.

>> Don't they?

>> No. They have to come to the debating chamber, here in Wellington, and swear.

>> If you say so. @#*$!

>> Not quite like that!

>> Then what?

>> Well, let's find out. Haere mai ki te Tīwhiri Pāremata and welcome—

>> Wait! Is this going to be another one of your boring nerd videos?

>> Boring nerd videos?

>> Here, let me. Haere mai ki te Tīwhiri Pāremata and welcome to this spotlight on oaths and affirmations.

>> Oars, oasis, oatmeal ... oaths!

>> And affirmations. They're promises someone makes before doing something. An oath is religious and an affirmation is not. In Parliament MPs promise their allegiance to the Queen and any king or queen after her and, through them, the country of New Zealand. Members can recite this in any language, provided that it's delivered in English or Māori first.

>> But it's just so old! I mean, the text hasn't changed since Parliament first sat, in 1852.

>> That is true, but people's approaches and attitudes to it have. Little Aotearoa was pretty religious in its early years. It wasn't until 1879 that the first affirmation was sworn, by Hutt MP Thomas Mason. One hundred and twenty years later, the proportion of MPs opting for affirmations over oaths has grown from 1 percent to just under 50 percent.

>> Parliament's first non-Christian member, and later Prime Minister, Julius Vogel broke the mould in 1863, opting, as a Jew, to swear on only the Old Testament.

>> Vogel led the way for other members, who have since opted to use different books to be sworn in. The Bhagavad Gita, the Dhammapada several different visions of the Bible, and the Koran.

>> That's an envelope.

>> It's inside. Non-Muslims aren't mean to touch the Koran. And when it was first used, in 2002, it was kept wrapped in plastic. Even traditions long gone raised eyebrows back in their day, particularly the tradition of kissing the Bible after being sworn in.

>> Oh, that's gross! I mean, you don't even know where those lips have been.

>> Exactly! A letter in the New Zealand Times outlined the case against the old tradition. Though the words are over a century and a half old, oaths and affirmations are a unique opportunity for members to express the diverse backgrounds of our Parliament. When a new member is sworn in, you can watch it online, on Parliament TV, or here in the galleries at Parliament.

>> That's all for this spotlight. So from us:

>> Ka kite anō. And we'll see you again soon.